betrayal推荐文章1:Betrayal from the Right: McCarthy's Fall and Fractured US Legislative Landscape

  AI-Created Cartoon


  By Andi Zhang


  The unprecedented removal of House of Representatives Speaker Kevin McCarthy has exposed the deep divisions within the US legislative branch.


  Leading this ouster was hard-right Republican Matt Gaetz, who orchestrated McCarthy's overthrow following the latter's compromise with Democrats on passing a stopgap bill that would ensure the federal government's operation until mid-November.


  In an astonishing turn of events, eight Republicans joined forces with all Democrats to dethrone McCarthy, marking the first-ever instance in US history where the chamber has ousted its leader in a vote of no-confidence.


  The schism in the US legislative landscape extends beyond the general political arena, seeping into the very core of the legislative process. The divide between the House and Senate on the matter of full-year government spending legislation remains a chasm difficult to bridge. Conservative hardliners in House Republicans insist on deep spending cuts and controversial policy add-ons, propositions that have met with resistance not only from Democrats but also from some fellow Republicans, who view them as excessively radical.


  As Western media outlets continue to ponder the political landscape, the absence of mutual interests and consensus looms as a menacing specter. Should no candidate manage to secure the crucial 218 votes required for speakership, the House of Representatives would teeter on the brink of an even more profound state of chaos.


  Memories of McCarthy's election in January still linger, a process that took a grueling 15 rounds of voting, even though he was the consensus choice of the GOP conference.


  In this climate, the Hill columnist wrote: the often-vitriolic speeches from pro- and anti-McCarthy factions revealed a party so deep in its own cultural revolution that the horizon line of rational governance no longer exists.


  Editor: ZAD


  betrayal推荐文章2:抖森女友是谁个人资料照片,抖森恋情曝光怎么回事?

  最近外媒道了抖森和新女友的照片,新女友是ZaweAshton,是一名演员,抖森本人也曾透露过,表示自己非常爱她,一起来看看!


  抖森恋情


  外媒道了抖森和新女友的照片,女友是一名演员,两人已经交往六个月了,知情人称:抖森和她已经恋爱至少半年了,抖森非常爱女方,认为她是一生挚爱,甚至想要结婚和稳定下来。


  Zawe Ashton是谁呢?就是抖森正在百老汇舞台剧《背叛》中,与他演合作的女演员。


  “他们实际上已经在一起超过六个月了。自从他与泰勒的那段感情以来,他对自己的私生活很努力地在保密。汤姆和Zawe还在他英国的住处一起度过了复活节”。


  消息人士还称,“他们现在一起共度了多数周末,与他的狗狗一起散步。他认为她可能是他生命中的挚爱,他已经准备好安定下来了”。


  抖森表示,“要控制别人怎么想或说,是一件不可能,也不该变成可能的事情。从前的我没有意识到有这个必要,但我现在对于自己的生活相当保护,很惊讶当时事情会被传得如此沸沸扬扬,虽然一段感情本来就是属于两个人的事情,但我现在仍会努力保护自己的私生活,但也不会躲躲藏藏的。”但目前双方都没有正面回应。


  扎威·阿什顿个人资料


  扎威·阿什顿(Zawe Ashton),女,是一名演员,代表作有《玩命追踪》《新生六居客》(Fresh Meat) 。


  抖森和扎伊是舞台音乐剧《背叛》(Betrayal)的男女主角,二人在其中扮演的是夫妻。而有消息称,抖森认为这一次遇到了真爱,他已经准备安定下来了。


  betrayal推荐文章3:CGTN时评 | 谎言与战争铺就的美国帝国之路

  Editor's note: The United States has been at war for more than 200 of its 240 years of existence. Between the end of WW2 and 9/11 – barely 50 years – the U.S. initiated 201 conflicts that ravaged 153 countries and regions. "America: War by another name" is a special eight-part series that explores the sinister motivations for its warmongering. Episode 2 is about the lies that shore up America's imperial ambition.


  挑起白人的负担/把你们最优秀的品种送出去/


  捆绑起你们的孩子,将其放逐/去替你们的奴隶服务


  挑起白人的负担/让他们背负着沉重的马缰


  去伺候那些刚被抓到/又急躁又野蛮,又愠怒


  一半像恶魔一半像孩子一样的人们


  挑起白人的负担/坚持着耐心,掩饰起恐惧/


  用公开与简易的语言,不厌其烦地说明/


  去替别人谋福利,去为别人争利益


  ——[英]鲁德亚德?吉卜林(Rudyard Kipling):《白人的负担》(The White Man’s Burden)


  Take up the White Man's burden—


  Send forth the best ye breed—


  Go send your sons to exile


  To serve your captives' need


  To wait in heavy harness


  On fluttered folk and wild—


  Your new-caught, sullen peoples,


  Half devil and half child


  Take up the White Man's burden


  In patience to abide


  To veil the threat of terror


  And check the show of pride;


  By open speech and simple


  An hundred times made plain


  To seek another's profit


  And work another's gain


  Rudyard Kipling, The White Man's Burden


  1899年,英国诗人鲁德亚德?吉卜林在当时的流行杂志上发表了这首极具帝国主义和种族主义色彩的诗歌。诗歌原题为《美国与菲律宾群岛》,是诗人有感于美西战争之后的菲律宾问题而写。在那个资本疯狂进行海外扩张的时代,美国这个年轻的资本主义国家毫不例外地对外扩张,开启了自己的帝国之路。美西战争则是这条道路之始端,使之从一个地方大国向着全球大国的方向迈进。


  This poem, carrying a strong imperialist and colonialist undertone, was published in a popular magazine in 1899 by British poet Rudyard Kipling. Originally titled "The United States and the Philippine Islands," it was a piece on the Philippine issue after the Spanish-American War. That was an era of frantic overseas capitalist expansion, and America, a young capitalist state back then, unsurprisingly jumped on the bandwagon. With the Spanish-American War as the starting point, the U.S. embarked on an imperialist path that would lead to its transformation from a regional to a global power.


  乍看之下,美国的帝国之路并不像老牌殖民帝国的扩张之路那样充满血腥,多是通过购买、兼并或协议转让的方式来实现海外扩张。这是因为,作为一个诞生于反殖民主义斗争的“共和国”,美国拒绝承认自己的“殖民主义”历史。因此,在涉及到海外领土时,历史学家通常只谈论正式收购,以避免扩张主义在美国历史上占据的核心地位。但事实上,美国的帝国之路并不阳光明媚,而是用谎言、背叛与血泪铺就而成。


  On the surface, America's imperialist expansion, seemingly not as bloody as that of established colonial empires, was mostly realized through purchases, annexations and contractual transfers. This is because as a "republic" born out of anti-colonialism struggles, America refuses to admit that it has a "colonialist" history of outward expansion. So when it comes to its overseas territories, historians usually only mention formal purchases to sideline the role of expansionism in American history. However, America's imperial journey was by no means peaceful and rosy, but full of lies, betrayal, blood and tears.


  1898年,正处壮年的美国忙于对外扩张商业利益,意欲在国际政治舞台上寻求更多的话语权和更大的国际市场。当时,世界基本已经被老牌殖民帝国瓜分完毕,新兴的殖民帝国只好与老牌帝国争夺。而此时日薄西山的西班牙就成为了可轻易被征服的对象。为了夺取西班牙的美洲殖民地以控制加勒比海地区,美国以“支持古巴人民独立”为由开启了美西战争。


  In 1898, the U.S. in its prime was busy expanding its commercial interests, with the aim of getting a bigger voice on the global political stage and finding a larger global market. By then, the world was almost carved up by established colonial powers – the U.S. as a newcomer had no option but to compete for colonies. Spain, at the time an empire on the decline, became an easy target. To seize Spanish colonies in Americas and subsequently gain control over the Caribbean, the U.S. started the Spanish-American War in the name of "supporting the independence of the Cuban people."


  “支持古巴人民独立”不过是个美丽的谎言。鉴于古巴战略地位及其对美国商业的重要性,美国长期以来都在觊觎古巴,并希望将其吞并。正如约翰?亚当斯在1823年所言,“将古巴并入联邦共和国对于联邦本身的延续和完整是必不可少的。”——这是一个难以抗拒的信念,也成为美国长久的政策共识。当时,西班牙已经日渐衰落,难以应对来自古巴和菲律宾等殖民地的起义。美国企图通过对西班牙宣战,夺取起义军的胜利果实,从而瓜分西班牙的殖民地。


  That mantra was a beautifully crafted lie. Considering Cuba's strategic location and commercial significance, America had long been coveting the country, hoping to annex it. Just as John Adams put it in 1823, "the annexation of Cuba to our federal republic will be indispensable to the continuance and integrity of the Union itself."


  It started as an irresistible belief and gradually became America's long-term policy consensus. Spain back then was already on a downward slope and could hardly handle uprisings in its colonies such as Cuba and the Philippines. Seeing this as an opportunity, America waged war against Spain in an attempt to seize what the rebellions had achieved and snatch away Spanish colonies.


  美西战争结束后,美国继承了西班牙成为古巴利益“保护者”的角色,在政治、精神与道德上“对古巴人民的福祉负责”。自1899年至1902年,美国一直对古巴实行军事占领,直至古巴人接受《普拉特修正案》并将其纳入古巴宪法,成为永久条约。《普拉特修正案》实际上赋予美国干预古巴内政的合法性,帮助实现了美国对古巴的“合法统治”。修正案禁止古巴政府签署任何会损害古巴独立或允许外国势力将该岛用于军事目的的国际条约,并承认美国具备干预古巴事务以捍卫古巴独立和维持“足以保护生命、财产和个人自由的政府”的权利。此后,美国通过限制古巴贸易,禁止古巴自产多种产品,强迫其从美国进口产品,使之成为自身商品的倾销地。


  After the war, the U.S. replaced Spain to "protect" Cuba, and became politically and morally "responsible for the wellbeing of the Cuban people." Between 1899 and 1902, the U.S. militarily occupied Cuba, and only withdrew its troops after the latter accepted the Platt Amendment and included it into the Constitution.


  The Amendment legitimized both America's regular intervention in Cuba's internal affairs and its rule over the island. It barred the government of Cuba from entering into any international treaty that would impair the independence of the country or authorizing any foreign power to use the island for military purposes, and recognized the right of the U.S. to interfere in Cuba's affairs "for the preservation of Cuban independence, the maintenance of a government adequate for the protection of life, property, and individual liberty."


  Following the amendment, Washington, through trade restrictions, prohibited the island from domestically producing a number of goods to ensure that they were imported from the U.S., turning the island into a dumping ground for American products.


  如果说美国对古巴的“占领”是用谎言换取的,那么其对菲律宾的“殖民”则充满着背叛与血泪。战争初期,美国政府承诺与菲律宾起义军政府建立联盟,共同对抗西班牙,并保证一旦战争结束,菲律宾人将获得独立。美国海军进行海上封锁并为菲律宾起义的领袖埃米利奥?阿奎纳多(Emilio Aguinaldo)提供武器,由阿奎纳多驱逐西班牙人。因此,对菲律宾的起义军来说,美军的到来是令人振奋的。当时,阿奎纳多(Emilio Aguinaldo)说,“美国人不是出于雇佣军的动机,而是为了人类和众多受害者的悲痛,决定将他们的保护扩展到我们心爱的国家,”“在你看到美国国旗飘扬的地方,人们聚集在一起;他们是我们的救赎者!” 1898 年 6 月,阿奎纳多建立政府并发表独立宣言:“在强大的人道主义国家美利坚合众国的保护下,我们在此以菲律宾岛人民的名义庄严宣布——菲律宾人有权并且已经获得自由和独立。”


  While America's occupation of Cuba was gained via lies, its colonization of the Philippines was fraught with betrayal, blood and tears. At the onset of the Spanish-American War, Washington offered to ally with the Filipino rebels and promised that the country would gain independence once the war ended. The U.S. navy built a blockade on the sea and provided weapons for the leader of the rebellion Emilio Aguinaldo, who was in charge of ousting the Spanish.


  Therefore, for the Filipino rebel army, the arrival of the Americans was exciting news. Aguinaldo once said, "The Americans, not from mercenary motives, but for the sake of humanity and the lamentations of so many persecuted people, have considered it opportune to extend their protecting mantle to our beloved country." "There where you see the American flag flying, assemble in number; they are our redeemers!"


  In June 1898, Aguinaldo established a government and declared the independence of the Filipinos and the birth of the Philippine Republic "under the protection of the mighty and humane North American Union."


  但菲律宾起义军很快就被他们的“救赎者”所抛弃。1898年8月,在西班牙单独向美国投降时,美国撕下了人道主义的假面,转身背叛了曾经的“战友”,将菲律宾起义军封锁在马尼拉城外。美国总统麦金莱发表声明称“不会与叛乱分子联合占领”,要求菲律宾人“必须承认美国的军事占领和权威”。


  But the rebel army was soon ditched by their "redeemers." In August 1889, after Spain's surrender, the U.S. removed its humanitarian mask and betrayed its former "ally," preventing Filipino forces from entering the captured city of Manila. The then American President William McKinley said in a statement that the U.S. would not seek joint occupation with the rebels and that the Filipinos must recognize the American occupation and authority.


  1899年2月,菲律宾共和军反抗美国的占领,双方爆发战争,直至1902年结束。美军的占领遇到当地民众的自发反抗。1901年,菲律宾中部萨马岛巴兰吉加的500多名村名自发反抗打死了48名美军。作为复,美军对巴兰吉加镇进行大屠杀,要求士兵杀死当地“所有10岁以上以及可以拿起武器的男人”,约有2500人在屠杀中遇害,包括妇女和儿童。此外,美军对摩洛村民的大屠杀更是令美国历史上的任何一次大屠杀都相形见绌。当时,约有800至1000人被杀,包括妇女和儿童,只有6人幸存,致死率达99%。马克?吐温对此讽刺道,“我们彻底消灭了他们,连一个能够为死去母亲哭泣的婴儿都没有留下……这是美国基督教士兵所取得的无与伦比的伟大胜利”。


  In February 1899, a war broke out between the U.S. and the Philippine Revolutionary Army in resistance to the occupation, and lasted until 1902. In 1901, over 500 villagers in the town of Balangiga on the central Philippine island of Samar rose up against U.S. occupation and killed 48 American soldiers. To retaliate, the U.S. army committed a massacre in the town with an order from the general to kill any Filipino male over 10 who could wield a weapon. Approximately 2,500 people including women and children were slaughtered.


  The Moro Massacre by U.S. troops in the Philippines dwarfed all other crimes of its kind in American history. Around 800 to 100 Moros at Bud Dajo, or 99 percent, were killed. Only six survived. In his satire, Mark Twain remarked, "We abolished them utterly, leaving not even a baby alive to cry for its dead mother… This is incomparably the greatest victory that was ever achieved by the Christian soldiers of the United States."


  丹尼尔?伊默瓦尔在其书《如何隐藏一个帝国:美国的地理、国土和实力》中指出,到1902年中期,美军损失了约4000名士兵,其中四分之三以上死于疾病。据该书统计,菲律宾军队约有16,000人死于战斗。但这仅是记录在案的战争死亡人数,只是总死亡率的一小部分。富兰克林?贝尔将军(J. Franklin Bell)估计,仅在吕宋岛,战争就杀死了约60万人,占菲律宾六分之一的人口。历史学家肯?德贝瓦斯 (Ken De Bevoise)的研究发现,在1899年至1903年间,约有 775,000 名菲律宾人死于战争。


  Daniel Immerwahr points out in his book How to Hide an Empire: A History of the Greater United States that by mid-1902, the U.S. lost about 4,000 soldiers, among which three-fourths died from diseases. In comparison, around 16,000 Philippine soldiers died on the battleground, according to the book. This, however, was just the number being recorded, representing but a small proportion of the total casualties.


  General J. Franklin Bell estimated that Americans had killed about 600,000 Filipinos in Luzon alone, which accounted for one-sixth of the Philippine population. Historian Ken De Bevoise's research found that approximately 775,000 Filipinos died from war between 1899 and 1903.


  通过这场以“解放古巴”为名、叫板老牌殖民帝国西班牙的战争,美国以协议转让和购买的方式获得了对古巴和菲律宾的“殖民控制权”。以古巴为跳板,美国走向南美并控制了加勒比海地区;以菲律宾为中转站,美国开启了向东亚大陆的扩张之路,向世界宣告了美国的崛起。此后,美国陆续占有了关岛、萨摩亚等地,并在两次世界大战中日渐壮大,扩大海外领土,走向了世界霸主之座。


  Through the Spanish-American War fought under the cloak of "liberating Cuba," the U.S. secured its colonial control over Cuba and the Philippines through contractual transfer and purchase. Taking Cuba as a springboard, it extended its footprints to South America and gained control over the Caribbean; using the Philippines as a transit, it started its expansion towards East Asia, declaring to the world the rise of the United States. After the war, the U.S. took possession of more colonies including Guam and Samoa, and further expanded its overseas territories during the two world wars to become the global hegemon.


  二战之后,菲律宾获得了独立,夏威夷和阿拉斯加成为了美国的州。一方面,这是殖民地反抗的结果。另一方面得益于经济发展和技术的进步,美国开始用全球化代替殖民,以更加隐蔽的方式,如主导国际政治经济规则的制定,通过包括颜色革命、混合战争等手段,继续控制并干预世界上的其他地方,继续用包装成“自由、民主、人权”等的美丽谎言铺就自己的帝国之路。


  After World War II, the Philippines gained independence, and Hawaii and Alaska became American states. For one thing, this was a result of decolonization struggles. For another, thanks to economic and technological development, the U.S. began to use globalization as an alternative to colonization, controlling and manipulating other parts of the world through more covet means.


  These include dominating the international political and economic rule-making process, staging color revolutions and conducting hybrid wars. This way, it could continue to shore up its imperial ambition with lies in the disguise of so-called freedom, democracy and human rights.


  系中国社会科学院美国研究所助理研究员俞凤


  The author, Yu Feng, is an assistant research fellow at the Institute of American Studies, Chinese Academy of Social Sciences.


  betrayal推荐文章4:

  betrayal推荐文章5:PUA的手段不只有贬低:间歇式奖惩如何让人难以自拔?

  我在浏览后台时,看到了一位粉丝的留言:


  我和闺蜜认识十年了,可以说是彼此最亲密的人。只是最近感觉她总是有意无意地说一些打击我的话。比如,我在工作上因为失误被上司骂得狗血淋头。我向她诉说时,她却说,“是你太弱了呀。”我知道自己能力有问题,可是我真的很希望她能给我点安慰……哪怕是什么都不说,给我一个拥抱也好。她这样说让我很受伤。 我鼓起勇气告诉她自己的想法时,她却表示,她是因为希望最好的朋友能成长,才把最难听的话说出来,如果我感到受伤,那我真的太敏感了。 这番话让我对她真的很失望,可我们认识很多年了,她确实是个心直口快的人,大概也是真的希望我好……是不是真的我想多了?还是这段关系确实有问题?


  身边不少人都有类似的经历,因为亲近的人的一些行为感到受伤,明明觉得这件事好像并不严重,那份难受的情绪却依旧挥之不去。


  

  这种情况到底该如何破解呢?我们今天就来聊一聊这个话题。


  最近我阅读的一本书恰好解释了这一现象。心理治疗师Patrick J. Carnes在《The Betrayal Bond: Breaking Free of Exploitive Relationships》中提出:这实际上是一种不良的联结,这种不良联结的特征是——在关系中的人遭遇了背叛,但关系却仍然在维持。


  

  看到这里你可能会好奇,文章开头的留言里,哪里涉及背叛了?


  

  在说明这件事之前,必须为大家介绍一个书中的概念:人际关系的基本假设。


  

  

  人际关系的基本假设诞生于我们生命的早期。你可以滑动下图阅读它的形成过程。


  关系中的双方都会遵循“关系的基本假设”来展开行动,是这段关系中的隐形承诺——我们默认关系中的双方都应当是这样的。(备注:这种对于关系基本假设的解读,可能与推崇人人平等的规则、原则的西方文化有关,在中国本土文化中的适应性待考证。)


  

  这也是为什么,当我们发现关系中存在不诚信,或者自己感到并不安全时,会产生负面的感受,甚至是被伤害的感觉——因为这段关系没有遵循基本假设。


  

  关系中的背叛,指的是关系中的人违背了关系中的关键承诺。除了明确说出口的承诺外,对于隐形承诺的违背,同样会形成背叛。Carnes强调,关系中的背叛不止会体现为劈腿、欺骗、告密、背后伤害等显著的形式,许多背叛了关系中基本假设的行为十分隐秘,常被我们忽略。


  相比其他的关键承诺,很多对关系中基本假设的背叛行为容易被忽视。也许正如同文首的例子那样,背叛方可能真的没有对我们抱有恶意,并且真的很在意我们,这也让我们不愿意将“背叛”这一似乎带有道德评判的词安在自己亲近的人身上。


  

  不过,无论对于亲近的人抱有怎样的态度,都不应该妨碍我们正视Ta们的背叛行为对我们造成的伤害,并尝试改变我们关系的现状。


  

  

  可能有人觉得,了解关系中是否存在背叛并不重要,只要在被伤害之后及时离开就好。


  

  然而,Carnes在治疗中发现,在背叛关系中,受害方有时会对背叛方产生强烈的创伤性联结,这种情感联结使得ta们难以与背叛方分离。


  

  在形成了创伤性联结的背叛关系中,往往存在着间断式奖惩循环。


  关系中的一句赞赏、鼓励,或者是对方给予的支持都可以算作一种奖励,而争吵、指责,或者疏离等行为则算作是关系中的惩罚。


  那么,背叛关系中的奖惩是如何影响我们的呢?


  

  在背叛关系的间断式奖惩之中,我们很难由对方的背叛行为而意识到这段关系的危险性,因为关系中的“奖励”给了我们为对方开脱的理由。


  

  间断式奖惩循环下,我们的情绪常因不确定性在焦虑与喜悦之间强烈起伏,而我们的认知系统往往会错误解读这种折磨人的状态,把强烈的痛苦情绪理解成了爱意。


  

  另一方面,脑科学研究发现,当奖励来得出乎意料时,多巴胺的分泌会更加旺盛——这也是为什么惊喜往往能够给我们带来更多快乐。然而,在背叛关系中,这份由“惊喜”带来的快乐却往往误导了我们。背叛方对我们意想不到的好,就像是打了一鞭子之后给我们的糖,即便我们认知上意识到,这只是一种操控我们的手段,我们的大脑依旧会认为那颗“糖”格外地甜。


  

  

  不少来访者在接受Carnes的咨询时,都拒绝承认自己在关系中被背叛。Ta们会为背叛方找到很多借口来合理化背叛方的行为,尽管在关系中被对方伤害是促使Ta们前来咨询的原因。


  

  Carnes指出,这对于大部分处在背叛关系中的受害者而言,其实是一种常见的自我保护的方式。因为承认自己被背叛意味着不得不面对愤怒与痛苦。


  

  可是,在逐渐意识到自己身处背叛关系的过程中,面对内心的愤怒与痛苦,往往是疗愈的必经之路。


  

  如果你怀疑自己可能身处背叛关系中,又不那么确定,可以试试一个练习觉察背叛关系的方法:把发生在自己身上的故事用第三人称的方式写下来。这可以帮助我们跳脱脑内试图压抑和否认事实的声音。


  

  

  不过,要想彻底从创伤性联结中治愈,除了觉察之外还需要学会正确地应对背叛关系。


  

  Carnes认为,治愈创伤性联结的过程中,我们首先需要一个由三个问题组成的自愈计划,通过回答这三个问题,你可以构建出自己在关系中的安全界限:


  

  可能有人对于这个计划会产生疑问:不是说要脱离背叛关系吗,为什么这计划中丝毫没有谈到如何和对方断绝关系?


  

  其实,脱离背叛关系的关键在于建立内心的安全界线,并以此和背叛我们的人保持心理距离。


  

  生活中,我们可能会经历很多背叛关系,却因为现实因素的限制而很难断绝和对方的往来。并且,有时候即便与背叛方断绝了关系,也不见得能够离开关系给我们造成的伤害。这是因为,被背叛后的痛苦与创伤使我们被动停留在关系带给我们的阴影中。


  

  而建立界限的意义,正是让我们通过重拾对于内心的掌控感,获得走出阴影的力量。


  betrayal推荐搜索词:

  

  1.betrayal的英文翻译

  

  2.betrayal背叛

  

  3.betrayal歌词中文翻译

  

本文标题:betrayal